Donald Trump ran his 2016 election campaign on the braggadocious premise that, as the most successful businessman of his generation (by his own reckoning) and a master negotiator (again, by his own reckoning) he would make America great again by running it the way he ran his businesses. Last week in The New York Times, Russ Buettner and Susanne Craig, using data from legally-held transcripts of Trump’s tax returns for the years 1985 to 1994, showed what happened to businesses Trump actually ran. It’s not a pretty story
In October 1983 the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution became law following a referendum that resulted in a two-to-one majority for its inclusion. More than three decades later, a second referendum returned a two-to-one majority for its repeal in the centenary year of Irish women’s suffrage. It seems fitting to ask whether the significant change in attitude signalled by the vote to give women the right to make their own healthcare decisions translates into changes in the status of women in Ireland more generally.
The current legal understanding of rape in Ireland reflects the frequently held ‘common-sense’ point of view that a woman can signify consent (is ‘asking for it’) for instance by dressing in a certain way, by walking on a quiet street late at night, by inviting a man into her home for a nightcap, or by accepting an invitation to his home after an evening out.
Legal discourse accepts this system of signification, concerning itself with how the man has read these signs; a woman cannot legitimately cry rape because a woman cannot name rape—precisely because rape is defined as sexual activity without consent, and consent is determined by the belief of the attacker.